The Indian government’s announcement to include caste enumeration in the upcoming census marks a significant shift in national data collection strategy. It also redirects attention to the Socio Economic and Caste Census (SECC) 2011, an ambitious yet incomplete effort by the previous Congress-led UPA government that gathered detailed caste data but never made it public.

This decision is expected to reshape national welfare policies, electoral strategies, and the social justice narrative, especially with political parties across the spectrum staking claims over Other Backward Classes (OBC) and other caste segments.

What is a Caste Census?

A caste census is a population-based survey that gathers detailed information about caste affiliations in addition to general socio-economic metrics. While India’s decadal census collects data on Scheduled Castes (SCs) and Scheduled Tribes (STs), it has not included data on OBCs or other caste groups since independence, except in 1931 under British rule.

The SECC 2011 was the first attempt in independent India to collect comprehensive caste data, aiming to link social identity with economic status for improved targeting of welfare schemes.

Why Was SECC 2011 Conceptualised?

In UPA-2, under Prime Minister Manmohan Singh, coalition partners like the Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD), Samajwadi Party (SP), and Janata Dal (United) pushed for caste enumeration to address concerns over fair resource allocation and representation.

In May 2010, the Cabinet approved the inclusion of caste-wise data collection in the ongoing census. Thus, the SECC 2011 was carried out parallel to the Census 2011, with an aim to gather granular data on caste and economic indicators.

How SECC 2011 Was Conducted

The SECC collected data on various parameters:

• Caste/tribe status

• Occupation

• Education

• Disability

• Religion

• Housing conditions

• Ownership of assets

In rural areas, the SECC classified households into:

• Automatic inclusion (very poor)

• Automatic exclusion (wealthy or well-off)

• Deprivation-based (based on seven criteria like housing type, number of adults, caste)

This was based on indicators proposed by a committee led by NC Saxena, which suggested that land ownership, vehicles, and income tax filing could indicate economic well-being and justify automatic exclusion from the BPL list.

Why SECC 2011 Data Was Never Released

Though enumeration concluded in 2012 and caste data was ready by 2013, the UPA government refrained from releasing it, citing the impending 2014 General Elections.

The change of government in May 2014, with Narendra Modi-led NDA coming to power, further halted any potential disclosure of caste data.

In 2021, then Minister of State for Home Nityanand Rai informed the Lok Sabha that:

• SECC 2011 economic data was published by the Ministry of Rural Development and Ministry of Housing and Urban Affairs.

• However, the caste data was withheld, citing inconsistencies and questions over its reliability.

The Centre also told the Supreme Court that SECC-2011 was not an OBC-specific survey but a general enumeration, and the caste data could not be used as an official population source.

Modi Government’s Use of SECC Data

Despite the caste data being unpublished, the economic indicators from SECC 2011 have been used extensively by the Modi government for targeting beneficiaries of key welfare schemes, replacing the older BPL list. This includes:

• Pradhan Mantri Awas Yojana-Gramin (PMAY-G)

• Pradhan Mantri Ujjwala Yojana

• Deendayal Antyodaya Yojana – National Rural Livelihood Mission

• Urban poverty alleviation schemes

The shift towards a more data-driven beneficiary selection using SECC 2011 helped improve transparency and reduce inclusion/exclusion errors in welfare programs.

Why the Caste Data Was Controversial

Several challenges plagued the SECC caste data, including:

• Inconsistent self-reporting of caste names

• Lack of standardised caste classification

• Difficulty in verifying and codifying thousands of caste entries

• Fears of political misuse and social tension

Governments, both UPA and NDA, hesitated to publish the data as it could fuel demands for increased reservations, affect electoral outcomes, and create identity-based fissures.

Political Significance of New Caste Census Move

With the Centre announcing caste enumeration in the next census, a fresh wave of political mobilisation around caste identities is expected.

Regional parties like the RJD, SP, JD(U), and DMK have been long-standing proponents of a caste census to assess the real share of OBCs in the population, which could justify increased reservations in jobs, education, and welfare schemes.

On the other hand, the BJP, traditionally viewed as upper-caste centric, is making inroads into non-dominant OBC and Dalit segments, which may explain its shift in accepting caste enumeration.

Implications for Future Welfare and Policy

A transparent and reliable caste census could:

• Enable better-targeted affirmative action

• Help understand inter-caste disparities within the OBC bloc

• Guide economic planning and social budgeting

• Influence representation in education, jobs, and politics

It could also form the basis for:

• Sub-categorisation within OBCs

• Reassessment of reservation quotas

• Addressing gaps in development among marginalised castes

However, the success of such an exercise hinges on accurate enumeration, classification, and political will to publish and act on the findings.

Conclusion: A Historic Step or Political Gamble?

The decision to conduct caste enumeration in the upcoming census is both historically significant and politically sensitive. While SECC 2011 laid the groundwork, its caste data remained buried due to political reluctance.

Now, with public demand and political consensus rising, especially in the wake of growing caste-based mobilisation, a new caste census could redefine India's socio-political landscape.

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